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Equally significant was the political subtext conveyed through this border arrangement. Roping off Hong Kong as a space of territorial exception was also a showpiece aimed at Taiwan, an arguably more ambitious pursuit for Deng and his successors.
The Frontier Closed Area was established in 1951 to serve as a buffer zone along the Shenzhen River. Hong Kong residents are not allowed to enter it without a permit, and a number of villages are trapped within the FCA. Like the boundary itself, the FCA was kept in place after 1997, but significantly reduced in size to 400 hectares (990 acres). (Jeffrey Twu)
A necessary evil
This is why, 20 years after Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty, this antiquated boundary continues to matter. Lawmakers from both ends of the political spectrum understand that the “one country, two systems” framework presumes and hinges upon territorial separation, however counterintuitive this arrangement may seem to state-propagated narratives of territorial unity. Rhetoric aside, no politician seriously believes that Hong Kong can do without a robust border regime. A “firewall” must exist for Deng’s blueprint to succeed, even if this means extending the legacy of colonial geopolitics.
Indeed, the irony that Hong Kong continues to operate like a treaty port after the handover is a source of constant chagrin to many patriots in China; any arrangements resembling extraterritoriality are reminiscent of the feelings of deep national shame associated with the Qing dynasty’s demise, when the country’s weakness allowed Western powers to invade China, and ultimately resulted in the cessation of Hong Kong to Britain.
A British Gurkha soldier surveys mainland China from behind sandbags in Hong Kong’s Sha Tau Kok village firehouse, July 9, 1967. (AP Photo)
